Lloyd A Goldsamt

Abstract

The cumulative epidemiologic literature indicates that many injecting drug users (IDUs) initiate injection as a mode of drug administration during late adolescence or early adulthood. Recent studies have shown that IDUs are often exposed to viral infections relatively early in the course of injection, highlighting the importance of understanding this initiation process for both epidemiology and prevention. Epidemiologic evidence similarly suggests that at least some youth populations, most notably young men who have sex with men (YMSM), are at substantial risk for exposure to HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) from early sexual activity. Despite the importance of this issue for both epidemiology and prevention, however, surprisingly little information is available on the social course of injection initiation, including the individual, social, or ecological factors that might mitigate or exacerbate transmission risks within the critical phase of early injection drug use. Similarly, we know little about the ways that YMSM and other high-risk youth understand risk, the kinds of exchanges and relationships in which they participate in the context of initiating sexual activity, or how drug use is operant in these exchanges and early sexual experiences. In this article, we explore key dimensions of the early initiation of injection and sexual risk, and discuss how a social network approach might be instrumental in understanding the social course of drug injection and sexual activities among youth and young adult populations.

Abstract

Public health, including the prevention of drug use, has long relied upon sentinel marker data obtained from national and regional tracking systems in order to forecast changes in patterns of drug abuse. More recently, these types of data have also played an important role in monitoring particular types of medical consequences associated with drug use, including the spread of HIV, HBV, HCV and other viral infections prevalent in IDU populations. While these types of data may provide an important sources of information about changes in drug use and its consequences, the limits of these sources of data have also become widely apparent. Based on a patchwork of institutionally-derived sources of data (e.g. emergency departments, drug treatment admissions, and law enforcement data on drug seizures and arrests), sentinel marker data typically fail to capture a number of "hidden populations" evidencing "hidden" drug-related risk behaviours. Many of these populations and behavioural practices only become apparent well after they have become diffused across regions and diverse drug user subpopulations, making prevention more difficult and more expensive. Furthermore, these systems cannot capture patterns of episodic use, such as those evidenced in crack injection. Ethnographic methods, including field-based community assessment, semi-structured qualitative interviews, and targeted observation of "natural" venues in which drugs are bought, sold, and used, have the potential to overcome some of the limitations from which "systems data" often suffer. Drawing on an ethno-epidemiological approach, our ongoing multi-site research on the use of injection as a mode of administration in the use of crack cocaine is a case in point, and illustrates the potential utility an ethnographic model for the identification and tracking of emergent and ongoing drug use practices.

Abstract

This pilot study evaluated whether brief safer sex interventions for women partners of male injection drug users significantly influenced perceptions of partner risk, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) knowledge, correct condom usage, and self-reported consistent safer sex (abstinence or 100% of vaginal-penile intercourse acts protected by male or female condoms). The study also examined the impact of pretest assessment on those variables since pretest assessment may challenge participants' current knowledge, safer sex practices, and partner communication techniques. The study randomly assigned participants to pretest or no pretest assessment. Each group was also assigned randomly to a presentation modality: (1) safer sex pamphlet review only, (2) pamphlet review with demonstration of several safer sex alternatives, or (3) pamphlet review with skills practice to mastery with one safer sex alternative of the woman's choice. For the last two conditions, a 35-minute interactive session covered prevention efficacy of safer sex methods for HIV, sexually transmitted infections, pregnancy, correct use, eroticization, local cost and availability, and partner objections. At 7 weeks postintervention, a higher proportion of women who took pretest assessment reported consistent safer sex (66.7%) compared to those without pretests (55.6%). Assignment to the interactive interventions (skills or demonstration) had little additional impact over pretest assessment for these women. Among women who did not take pretests, the interactive interventions had strong effects; 76.9% reported consistent safer sex versus 33.3% in the pamphlet review group. There were additional specific effects for pretest assessment on HIV knowledge and partner risk perception and for interactive intervention on correct condom usage. Brief interventions appear to have some positive short-term effects. Pretest assessment may be an important component of brief interventions.